Civic Duty, Involvement, Patriotism
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“Be it remembered, however, that liberty must at all hazards be supported. We have a right to it, derived from our Maker. But if we had not, our fathers have earned and bought it for us, at the expense of their ease, their estates, their pleasure, and their blood. And liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right, from the frame of their nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understandings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean, of the characters and conduct of their rulers. Rulers are no more than attorneys, agents, and trustees for the people; and if the cause, the interest and trust, is insidiously betrayed, or wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority that they themselves have deputed, and to constitute abler and better agents, attorneys, and trustees.” John Adams, A Dissertation on The Canon and Feudal Law, 1765
“[The Spirit of Liberty]… without knowledge, would be little better than a brutal rage… Let us dare to read, think, speak, and write… Let us read and recollect… the civil and religious principles… which constantly supported and carried [our forefathers] through all hardships… it was liberty, the hope of liberty for themselves and us and ours, which conquered all discouragements, dangers, and trials.” John Adams, A Dissertation on The Canon and Feudal Law, 1765
“… inform the world of the mighty struggles and numberless sacrifices made by our ancestors in defense of freedom.” John Adams, A Dissertation on The Canon and Feudal Law, 1765
“The prospect now before us in America, ought in the same manner to engage the attention of every man of learning, to matters of power and of right, that we may be neither led nor driven blindfolded to irretrievable destruction” John Adams, A Dissertation on The Canon and Feudal Law, 1765
“These are not the vapors of a melancholy mind, nor the effusions of envy, disappointed ambition, nor of a spirit of opposition to government, but the emanations of a heart that burns for its country’s welfare.” John Adams, A Dissertation on The Canon and Feudal Law, 1765
“Every day we [Continental Congress] sit, the more we are convinced that the designs against us are hostile and sanguinary, and that nothing but fortitude, vigor, and perseverance can save us.” John Adams, Letter to Mrs. Adams, June 17, 1775
“I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravishing light and glory. I can see that the End is more than worth all the Means.” John Adams, Letter to Abigail Adams, July 3, 1776
“Posterity! You will never know, how much it cost the present Generation, to preserve your Freedom! I hope you will make a good Use of it. If you do not, I shall repent in Heaven, that I ever took half the Pains to preserve it.” John Adams, Letter to Abigail Adams, April 26, 1777
“Our obligations to our country never cease but with our lives. We ought to do all we can.” John Adams, Letter to Benjamin Rush, April 18, 1808
“At such a time, for true patriots to be silent, is dangerous.” Samuel Adams, Address to the Governor of Massachusetts, June 3, 1766
“The true patriot therefore, will inquire into the causes of the fears and jealousies [suspicions] of his countrymen; and if he finds they are not groundless, he will be far from endeavoring to allay or stifle them: On the contrary… he will by all proper means in his power foment [encourage] and cherish them: He will, as far as he is able, keep the attention of his fellow citizens awake to their grievances; and not suffer them to be at rest, till the causes of their just complaints are removed. …the true patriot, will constantly be jealous of [Government officials]… Knowing that power, especially in times of corruption, makes men wanton [indecent]; that it intoxicates the mind; and unless [Government officials]… are carefully watched… they will be apt to domineer over the people, instead of governing them, according to the known laws of the state, to which alone they have submitted.” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Vindex”, Boston Gazette, January 21, 1771
“I join with you in resolving to persevere with all the little Strength we have and preserve a good Conscience: It is no Dishonor to be in a minority in the Cause of Liberty and Virtue…” Samuel Adams, Letter to James Warren, March 25, 1771
“The truth is, all might be free, if they valued freedom and defended it as they ought… If therefore a people will not be free; if they have not virtue enough to maintain their liberty against a presumptuous invader, they deserve no pity, and are to be treated with contempt and ignominy [public disgrace].” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“It behooves us, however, to awake, and advert to the danger we are in.” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“Our enemies would fain have us lie down on the bed of sloth and security, and persuade ourselves that there is no danger. They are daily administering the opiate with multiplied arts and delusions, and I am sorry to observe that the gilded pill is so alluring to some who call themselves the friends of liberty. But is there no danger when the very foundations of our civil Constitution tremble?” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“Is it a time for us to sleep when our free government is essentially changed, and a new one is forming upon a quite different system?” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“Determined hold your independence; for, that once destroyed, unfounded freedom is a morning dream.” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“The liberties of our country, the freedom of our civil Constitution are worth defending at all hazards; and it is our duty to defend them against all attacks. We have received them as a fair inheritance from our worthy ancestors. They purchased them for us with toil, and danger, and expense of treasure and blood, and transmitted them to us with care and diligence. It will bring an everlasting mark of infamy on the present generation, enlightened as it is, if we should suffer them to be wrested from us by violence without a struggle, or be cheated out of them by the artifices of false and designing men.” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“Let us contemplate our forefathers and posterity, and resolve to maintain the rights bequeathed to us… Instead of sitting down satisfied with the efforts we have already made, which is the wish of our enemies, the necessity of the times more than ever calls for our utmost circumspection, deliberation, fortitude, and perseverance.
Let us remember that if we suffer tamely a lawless attack upon our liberty, we encourage it, and involve others in our doom! It is a very serious consideration, which should deeply impress our minds, that millions yet unborn may be the miserable sharers in the event!” Samuel Adams, Writing as “Candidus”, Boston Gazette, October 14, 1771
“Among the natural rights of the colonists are these: First, a right to life; Secondly, to liberty; and thirdly, to property; together with the right to defend them in the best manner they can- Those are evident Branches of, rather than deductions from the Duty of Self Preservation, commonly called the first Law of Nature.” Samuel Adams, The Rights of the Colonists, November 20, 1772
“Is it not of the utmost Importance that our Vigilance should increase, that the Colonies should be united in their Sentiments… [And] any Infringements… on the common Rights of all… should have the united Efforts of all… This we take to be the true Design of the Establishment of our Committees of Correspondence.” Samuel Adams, Committee of Correspondence of Massachusetts to Other Committees of Correspondence, October 21, 1773
“… a virtuous and steady opposition to the Ministerial Plan of governing America, is absolutely necessary to preserve even the shadow of Liberty, and is a duty which every Freeman in America owes to his Country to himself and to his Posterity.” Samuel Adams, Resolutions of the Town of Boston, November 5, 1773
“Our Enemies must acknowledge that these people have acted upon pure & upright Principle. The people at the Cape will we hope behave with propriety and as becomes Men resolved to save their Country.” Samuel Adams, The Committee of Correspondence of Boston to the Committee of Plymouth, December 17, 1773
“… I am a friend to everyone possessed to public virtue.” Samuel Adams, Letter to Arthur Lee, December 25, 1773
“It is our Duty at all Hazards to preserve the public Liberty. Righteous Heaven will graciously smile on every manly and rational Attempt to secure that best of all his Gifts to Man, from the ravishing Hand of lawless and brutal Power.” Samuel Adams, Letter to James Warren, March 31, 1774
“We live in an important Period, and have a post to maintain, to desert which would be an unpardonable Crime, and would entail upon us the Curses of posterity. The infamous Tools of Power are holding up the picture of Want and Misery; but in vain do they think to intimidate us; the Virtue of our Ancestors inspires us- they were contented with Clams and Mussels. For my own part, I have been wont to converse with poverty; and however disagreeable a Companion she may be thought to be by the affluent and luxurious who never were acquainted with her, I can live happily with her the remainder of my days, if I can thereby contribute to the Redemption of my Country.” Samuel Adams, Letter to William Checkley, June 1, 1774
“It is to be expected that some who are void of the least regard to the public, will put on the appearance and even speak boldly the language of patriots, with the sole purpose of gaining the confidence of the public, and securing the loaves and fishes for themselves or their sons or other connections. Men who stand candidates for public posts, should be critically traced in their views and pretensions, and though we would despise mean and base suspicion, there is a degree of jealousy which is absolutely necessary in this degenerate state of mankind, and is indeed at all times to be considered as a political virtue.” Samuel Adams, Letter to Elbridge Gerry, October 29, 1775
“… The diminution of public Virtue is usually attended with that of public Happiness, and the public Liberty will not long survive the total Extinction of Morals… Could I be assured that America would remain virtuous, I would venture to defy the utmost Efforts of Enemies to subjugate her. You will allow me to remind you, that the Morals of that City [Boston] which has born so great a Share in the American Contest, depend much upon the Vigilance of the respectable Body of Magistrates of which you are a Member.” Samuel Adams, Letter to John Scollay, April 30, 1776
“The large Experience they have had of military Tyranny should rather heighten their Ideas of the Blessings of civil Liberty and a free Government. While THEIR OWN troops are posted among them for their Protection, they surely will not lose the Feelings and resign the Honor of Citizens to the military; but remember always that standing Armies are formidable Bodies in civil Society, & the Suffering them to exist at any time is from Necessity, & ought never to be of Choice.” Samuel Adams, Letter to John Scollay, April 30, 1776
“We are now on this continent, to the astonishment of the world, three millions of souls united in one common cause… There are instances of, I would say, an almost astonishing Providence in our favor; our success has staggered our enemies, and almost given faith to the infidels; so that we may truly say it is not our own arm which has saved us.
… [If] an accommodation takes place between England and America on any other terms than as independent states, I shall date the ruin of this country… The warm sunshine of influence would melt down the virtue which the violence of the storm rendered more firm and unyielding. In a state of tranquility, wealth and luxury, our descendants would forget the arts of war and the noble activity and zeal which made their ancestors invincible. Every art of corruption would be employed to loosen the bond of union which renders our resistance formidable. When the spirit of liberty which now animates our hearts and gives success to our arms is extinct, our numbers will accelerate our ruin, and render us easier victims to tyranny.” Samuel Adams, An Oration Delivered at the State House, August 1, 1776
“… there are a thousand things which call the Attention of every Man who is concerned for his Country.” Samuel Adams, Letter to John Adams, September 16, 1776
“May God give us Wisdom, Fortitude, Perseverance and every other virtue necessary for us to maintain that Independence which we have asserted.” Samuel Adams, Letter to John Adams, September 16, 1776
“The Man who is conscientiously doing his Duty will ever be protected by that Righteous and all powerful Being, and when he has finished his Work he will receive an ample Reward. I am not more convinced of anything than that it is my Duty, to oppose to the utmost of my Ability the Designs of those who would enslave my Country; and with Gods Assistance I am resolved to oppose them till their Designs are defeated or I am called to quit the Stage of Life.” Samuel Adams, Letter to Mrs. Adams, January 29, 1777
“I am determined by God’s Assistance never to forsake the great Cause in which my Country is virtuously struggling… It is the greatest Honor of my Life to have enjoyed the Confidence of my Country thus long; and I have the clear and full Testimony of my own Mind that I have at all Times endeavored to fill the Station they have thought fit to place me in to their Advantage.” Samuel Adams, Letter to James Warren, October 29, 1777
“…in the Cause of Liberty and Virtue… there must be Associations of Men of unshaken Fortitude. A general Dissolution of Principles & Manners will more surely overthrow the Liberties of America than the whole Force of the Common Enemy. While the People are virtuous they cannot be subdued; but when once they lose their Virtue they will be ready to surrender their Liberties to the first external or internal Invader. How necessary then is it for those who are determined to transmit the Blessings of liberty as a fair Inheritance to Posterity, to associate on public Principles in Support of public Virtue.” Samuel Adams, Letter to James Warren, February 12, 1779
“If Virtue & Knowledge are diffused among the People, they will never be enslaved. This will be their great Security. Virtue & Knowledge will forever be an even Balance for Powers & Riches. I hope our Countrymen will never depart from the Principles & Maxims [truths] which have been handed down to us from our wise forefathers. This greatly depends upon the Example of Men of Character & Influence of the present Day.” Samuel Adams, Letter to James Warren, February 12, 1779
“The Choice of Legislators, magistrates and Governors, is surely a Business of the greatest Moment, and claims the Attention of every Citizen… Hence every Citizen will see, and I hope will be deeply impressed with a Sense of it, how exceedingly important it is to himself, and how intimately the welfare of his Children is connected with it, that those who are to have a Share in making as well as in judging and executing the Laws should be Men of singular Wisdom and Integrity… I hope the great Business of Elections will never be left by the Many, to be done by the Few; for before we are aware of it, that few may become the Engine of Corruption… Heaven forbid! that our Countrymen should ever be biased in their Choice, by unreasonable Predilections [preconceived preference] for any man, or that an Attachment to the Constitution, as has been the Case in other Countries, should be lost in Devotion to Persons. The Effect of this would soon be, to change the Love of liberty into the Spirit of Faction. Let each citizen remember at the moment he is offering his VOTE, that he is not making a Present or a Compliment to please an Individual. But that he is executing one of the most solemn trusts in human society for which he is accountable to God and his Country.” Samuel Adams, Article in Boston Gazette, April 21, 1781
“I was called to my present employment [Colonel, Continental Army] not from any desire of increasing either my wealth or importance but from an abhorrence of being an Idle Spectator of my country's Distress and a proportionate fondness for obliging our worthy General.” Elias Boudinot, Letter to Hannah Boudinot, January 4, 1778
“Another essential ingredient in the happiness we enjoy as a nation, and which arises from the principles of our revolution, is the right that every people have to govern themselves in such a manner as they best calculated for the common benefit.
It is a principle interwoven with our Constitution, and not one of the least blessings purchased by that glorious struggle… that every man has a natural right to be governed by laws of his own making, either in person or by his representative…
This, fellow-citizens! is a most important practicable principle, first carried into complete execution by the United States of America…
To you, ye citizens of America! do the inhabitants of the earth look with eager attention for the success of a measure on which their happiness and prosperity so manifestly depend.
To use the words of a famous foreigner, ‘You are become the hope of human nature, and ought to become its great example. The asylum opened in your land for the oppressed of all nations must console the earth.’
On your virtue, patriotism, integrity, and submission to the laws of your own making, and the government of your own choice, do the hopes of men rest with prayers and supplications for a happy issue.” Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
“Be not therefore careless, indolent, or inattentive in the exercise of any right of citizenship. Let no duty, however small or seemingly of little importance, be neglected by you.
Ever keep in mind that it is parts that form the whole, and fractions constitute the unit. Good government generally begins in the family, and if the moral character of a people once degenerate, their political character must soon follow.” Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
“Times and circumstances may change, and accidents intervene to disappoint the wisest measures. Mistaken and wicked men (who cannot live but in troubled waters) are often laboring with indefatigable zeal, which sometimes proves but too successful, to sour minds and derange the best formed systems. Plausible pretensions, censorious insinuations, are always at hand to transfer the deadly poison of jealousy, by which the best citizens may for a time be deceived.
These considerations should lead to an attentive solicitude to keep the pure, unadulterated principles of our Constitution always in view; to be religiously careful in our choice of all public officers; and as they are again in our power at very short periods, lend not too easily a patient ear to every invidious insinuation or improbable story, but prudently mark the effects of their public measures, and judge of the tree by its fruits.” Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
“I do not wash to discourage a constant and lively attention to the conduct of our rulers. A prudent suspicion of our public measures is a great security to a republican government…” Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
“While we thus enjoy, as a community, the blessings of the social compact in its purity, and are all endeavoring to secure the valuable privileges [rights], purchased by the blood of thousands of our brethren, who fell in the dreadful conflict, let us also be careful to encourage and promote a liberality and benevolence of mind toward those whom they have left behind, and whose unhappy fate it has been to bear a heavier proportion of the expensive purchase in the loss of husbands, parents, or children, perhaps their only support and hope in life.” Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
“With a heart filled with unfeigned gratitude to the Author of all our mercies, and overflowing with the most affectionate friendship towards you, suffer me to congratulate you on this seventeenth anniversary of our happy independence. Long, long, even to the remotest ages, may the citizens of this rising empire enjoy the triumphs of this day! May they never forget the invaluable price which it cost, as well as the great purposes for which it was instituted, and may a frequent recurrence to first principles of our constitution, on this anniversary, be a constant source of security and permanence to the rising fabric! May the rights of men and purity of a free, energetic, and independent government, be continually cherished… May the remembrance of those worthy heroes, once our beloved companions, whose lives they did not hold dear, when required for their country’s safety, animate us to preserve inviolate what they purchased at so high a rate! May we, by the uniform conduct of good citizens, and generous, faithful friends, show ourselves worthy of such valuable connections!” Elias Boudinot, Oration before the Society of the Cincinnati, July 4, 1793
“Indeed, the general natural tendency of reading good history must be to fix in the minds of youth deep impressions of the beauty and usefulness of virtue of all kinds, public spirit, and fortitude…
History will also afford frequent opportunities of showing the necessity of a public religion, from its usefulness to the public; the advantage of a religious character among private persons; the mischief’s of superstition, and the excellency of the Christian religion above all others, ancient or modern.
History will also give occasion to expatiate on the advantage of civil orders and constitutions, — how men and their properties are protected by joining in societies and establishing government; their industry encouraged and rewarded, arts invented, and life made more comfortable; the advantages of liberty, mischief’s of licentiousness, benefits arising from good laws and a due execution of justice. Thus may the first principles of sound politics be fixed in the minds of youth.” Benjamin Franklin, Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania, 1749
“The ingredients which constitute safety in the republican sense are, first, a due dependence on the people, secondly, a due responsibility.” Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 70, March 18, 1788
“When occasions present themselves, in which the interests of the people are at variance with their inclinations, it is the duty of the persons whom they have appointed to be the guardians of those interests, to withstand the temporary delusion, in order to give them time and opportunity for more cool and sedate reflection. Instances might be cited in which a conduct of this kind has saved the people from very fatal consequences of their own mistakes, and has procured lasting monuments of their gratitude to the men who had courage and magnanimity enough to serve them at the peril of their displeasure.” Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 71, March 18, 1788
“… hard words are very rarely useful in public proceedings… We shall not regret to see the answer softened down. Real firmness is good for everything—Strut is good for nothing.” Alexander Hamilton, Letter to Oliver Wolcott, Jr., June 6, 1797
“I have always, from my earliest youth, rejoiced in the felicity [happiness] of my fellow-men; and have ever considered it as the indispensable able duty of every member of society to promote, as far as in him lies, the prosperity of every individual, but more especially of the community to which he belongs; and also, as a faithful subject of the state, to use his utmost endeavors to detect, and having detected, strenuously to oppose every traitorous plot which its enemies may devise for its destruction.
Security to the persons and properties of the governed, is so obviously the design and end of civil government, that to attempt a logical proof of it, would be like burning tapers [small candles] at noon-day, to assist the sun in enlightening the world; and it cannot be either virtuous or honorable, to attempt to support a government, of which this is not the great and principal basis; and it is to the last degree vicious and infamous to attempt to support a government which manifestly tends to render the persons and properties of the governed insecure.
Some boast of being friends to government; I am a friend to righteous government, to a government founded upon the principles of reason and justice; but I glory in publicly avowing my eternal enmity to tyranny.” John Hancock, Boston Massacre Oration, March 5, 1774
“But I thank God that America abounds in men who are superior to all temptation, whom nothing can divert from a steady pursuit of the interest of their country, who are at once its ornament and safeguard.” John Hancock, Boston Massacre Oration, March 5, 1774
“I have the most animating confidence that the present noble struggle for liberty will terminate gloriously for America. And let us play the man for our God, and for the cities of our God; while we are using the means in our power, let us humbly commit our righteous cause to the great Lord of the Universe, who loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity. And having secured the approbation of our hearts, by a faithful and unwearied discharge of our duty to our country, let us joyfully leave our concerns in the hands of him who raiseth up and pulleth down the empires and kingdoms of the world as he pleases; and with cheerful submission to his sovereign will, devoutly say: ‘Although the fig tree shall not blossom, neither shall fruit be in the vines; the labor of the olive shall fail, and the field shall yield no meat; the flock shall be cut off from the fold, and there shall be no herd in the stalls; yet we will rejoice in the Lord, we will joy in the God of our salvation.’” John Hancock, Boston Massacre Oration, March 5, 1774
“I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve… freedom of the debate… is [the only] way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.” Patrick Henry, Second Virginia Convention, Give me Liberty or Give me Death, March 23, 1775
“… we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.” Patrick Henry, Second Virginia Convention, Give me Liberty or Give me Death, March 23, 1775
“Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” Patrick Henry, Second Virginia Convention, Give me Liberty or Give me Death, March 23, 1775
“Whether [Independence] will prove a blessing or a curse, will depend upon the use our people make of the blessings which a gracious God hath bestowed on us. If they are wise, they will be great and happy. If they are of a contrary character, they will be miserable. Righteousness alone can exalt them as a nation. Reader! whoever thou art, remember this; and in thy sphere practice virtue thyself, and encourage it in others.” Patrick Henry, William Wirt Henry, Life, Correspondence and Speeches, 1891
“… suspicion is a virtue as long as its object is the preservation of the public good, and as long as it stays within proper bounds… Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined." Patrick Henry, Notes of the Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 5, 1788
“… I am anxious, if my country should come into the hands of tyranny, to exculpate myself from being in any degree the cause, and to exert my faculties to the utmost to extricate her. Whether I am gratified or not in my beloved form of government, I consider that the more she has plunged into distress, the more it is my duty to relieve her.” Patrick Henry, Notes of the Virginia Ratifying Convention, June 9, 1788
“… I am ashamed to refuse the little Boon [favor, petition] you ask of me, when your Example is before my Eyes—My Children would blush to know, that you & their Father were Contemporaries, & that when you asked him to throw in his Mite for the public Happiness, he refused to do it. In Conformity with these Feelings, I have declared myself a Candidate for this County at the next Election, since the Receipt of your Letter, but enjoying very indifferent Health I cannot leave my Home to make the Declaration efficacious as I could wish—The proceedings of the last Assembly have alarmed many thinking people hereabouts; & although there be Cause, for serious Apprehension, I trust the Friends of Order, Justice, & Truth will once more experience the Favor of that God who has so often & so signally bestowed his Blessings upon our Country.” Patrick Henry, Letter to George Washington (In Response to Washington’s Letter on January 15, 1799, and four months prior to Washington’s death), February 12, 1799
“… it is a melancholy fact that near half of our men, Cannon, muskets, powder, clothes, etc., is to be found nowhere but on paper. We are not discouraged at this; if our situation was ten times worse I could not agree to give up our cause…” Joseph Hewes, Letter to James Iredell, May 17, 1776
“You and all men were created free, and authorized to establish civil government, for the preservation of your rights against oppression, and the security of that freedom which God hath given you… It is, therefore, not only necessary to the well-being of Society, but the duty of every man, to oppose and repel all those… who prostitute the powers of Government to destroy the happiness and freedom of the people over whom they may be appointed to rule…
But you are told that their armies are numerous, their fleet strong, their soldiers valiant, their resources great; [and] that you will be conquered… It is true that some forts have been taken, that our country hath been ravaged, and that our Maker is displeased with us. But it is also true that the King of Heaven is not like the King of Britain… If His assistance be sincerely implored, it will surely be obtained. If we turn from our sins, He will turn from His anger.
… let universal charity, public spirit and private virtue be inculcated [taught], encouraged and practiced; unite in preparing for a vigorous defense of your country, as if all depended on your own exertions; and when you have done these things, then rely upon the good Providence of Almighty God for success, in full confidence, that without His blessing all our efforts will evidently fail.” John Jay, Address of the Convention of the Representatives of the State of New York to their Constituents, December 23, 1776
“Let virtue, honor, the love of liberty and of science be and remain the soul of this constitution, and it will become the source of great and extensive happiness to this and future generations. Vice, ignorance, and want of vigilance will be the only enemies able to destroy it.” John Jay, Charge to the Grand Jury of Ulster Co., September 9, 1777
“Every member of the State ought diligently to read and to study the constitution of his country, and teach the rising generation to be free. By knowing their rights, they will sooner perceive when they are violated, and be the better prepared to defend and assert them.” John Jay, Charge to the Grand Jury of Ulster Co., September 9, 1777
“This, gentlemen, is the first court held under the authority of our constitution [New York], and I hope its proceedings will be such as to merit the approbation of the friends, and avoid giving cause of censure to the enemies of the present establishment.
It is proper to observe that no person in this State, however exalted or low his rank, however dignified or humble his station, but has a right to the protection of, and is amenable to, the laws of the land; and if those laws be wisely made and duly executed, innocence will be defended, oppression punished, and vice restrained. Hence it becomes the common duty, and indeed the common interest of those concerned in the distribution of justice, to unite in repressing the licentious, in supporting the laws, and thereby diffusing the blessings of peace, security, order and good government, through all degrees and ranks of men among us.
I presume it will be unnecessary to remind you that neither fear, favor, resentment, or other personal and partial considerations should influence your conduct. Calm, deliberate, reason, candor, moderation, a dispassionate and yet a determined resolution to do your duty, will, I am persuaded, be the principles by which you will be directed.” John Jay, Charge to the Grand Jury of Ulster County, September 9, 1777
“The cause of liberty, like most other good causes, will have its difficulties, and sometimes its persecutions, to struggle with. It has advanced more rapidly in this than in other countries, but all its objects are not yet attained; and I much doubt whether they ever will be, in this or any other terrestrial state. That men should pray and fight for their own freedom, and yet keep others in slavery, is certainly acting a very inconsistent as well as unjust and, perhaps, impious part; but the history of mankind is filled with instances of human improprieties. The wise and the good never form the majority of any large society, and it seldom happens that their measures are uniformly adopted, or that they can always prevent being overborne themselves by the strong and almost never-ceasing union of the wicked and the weak.
These circumstances tell us to be patient, and to moderate those sanguine expectations which warm and good hearts often mislead even wise heads to entertain on those subjects. All that the best men can do is, to persevere in doing their duty to their country, and leave the consequences to Him who made it their duty; being neither elated by success, however great, nor discouraged by disappointments however frequent and mortifying.” John Jay, Letter to Richard Price, September 27, 1785
“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed, by their Creator, with certain unalienable right; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes… But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government.” Thomas Jefferson, Declaration of Independence, July 4, 1776
“In every government on earth is some trace of human weakness, some germ of corruption and degeneracy, which cunning will discover, and wickedness insensibly open, cultivate and improve. Every government degenerates when trusted to the rulers of the people alone. The people themselves therefore are its only safe depositories… The influence over government must be shared among all the people. If every individual which composes their mass participates of the ultimate authority, the government will be safe…” Thomas Jefferson, Notes on Virginia, 1781
“My God! How little do my countrymen know what precious blessings they are in possession of, and which no other people on earth enjoy… how much it is their interest to preserve uninfected by contagion those peculiarities in their government & manners to which they are indebted for these blessings.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to James Monroe, June 17, 1785
“… the acquisition of science is a pleasing employment. I can assure you that the possession of it is what (next to an honest heart) will above all things render you dear to your friends, and give you fame and promotion in your own country. When your mind shall be well improved with science, nothing will be necessary to place you in the highest points of view but to pursue the interests of your country, the interests of your friends, and your own interests also with the purest integrity, the most chaste honor. The defect of these virtues can never be made up by all the other acquirements of body and mind. Make these then your first object. Give up money, give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and all it contains rather than do an immoral act. And never suppose that in any possible situation or under any circumstances that it is best for you to do a dishonorable thing however slightly so it may appear to you. Whenever you are to do a thing tho’ it can never be known but to yourself, ask yourself how you would act were all the world looking at you, and act accordingly.
Encourage all your virtuous dispositions, and exercise them whenever an opportunity arises, being assured that they will gain strength by exercise as a limb of the body does, and that exercise will make them habitual. From the practice of the purest virtue you may be assured you will derive the most sublime comforts in every moment of life and in the moment of death. If ever you find yourself environed with difficulties and perplexing circumstances, out of which you are at a loss how to extricate yourself, do what is right, and be assured that that will extricate you the best out of the worst situations. Tho’ you cannot see when you fetch one step, what will be the next, yet follow truth, justice, and plain-dealing, and never fear their leading you out of the labyrinth in the easiest manner possible. The knot which you thought a Gordian one [very difficult] will untie itself before you. Nothing is so mistaken as the supposition that a person is to extricate himself from a difficulty, by intrigue, by chicanery, by dissimulation, by trimming, by an untruth, by an injustice. This increases the difficulties tenfold, and those who pursue these methods, get themselves so involved at length that they can turn no way but their infamy becomes more exposed.
It is of great importance to set a resolution, not to be shaken, never to tell an untruth. There is no vice so mean, so pitiful, so contemptible and he who permits himself to tell a lie once, finds it much easier to do it a second and third time, till at length it becomes habitual, he tells lies without attending to it, and truths without the world’s believing him. This falsehood of the tongue leads to that of the heart, and in time depraves all its good dispositions.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Peter Carr, August 19, 1785
“… the good sense of the people will always be found to be the best army. They may be led astray for a moment, but will soon correct themselves. The people are the only censors of their governors: and even their errors will tend to keep these to the true principles of their institution. To punish these errors too severely would be to suppress the only safeguard of the public liberty. The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of the people is to give them full information of their affairs thro’ the channel of the public papers, and to contrive that those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the people. The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. But I should mean that every man should receive those papers and be capable of reading them. I am convinced that those societies (as the Indians) which live without government enjoy in their general mass an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live under European governments.
… under pretence of governing they [European governments] have divided their nations into two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This is a true picture of Europe. Cherish therefore the spirit of our people, and keep alive their attention. Do not be too severe upon their errors, but reclaim them by enlightening them. If once they become inattentive to the public affairs, you & I, & Congress & Assemblies, judges & governors shall all become wolves.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Edward Carrington, January 16, 1787
“… can history produce an instance of rebellion so honorably conducted? I say nothing of its motives. They were founded in ignorance, not wickedness. God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion. The people cannot be all, and always, well informed. The part which is wrong will be discontented, in proportion to the importance of the facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions, it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty
We have had thirteen States independent for eleven years. There has been one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century and a half, for each State. What country before, ever existed a century and a half without a rebellion? And what country can preserve its liberties, if its rulers are not warned from time to time, that this people preserve the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them right as to facts, pardon and pacify them. What signify a few lives lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time, with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural manure.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William Stevens Smith, November 13, 1787
“I would be glad even to know when any individual member thinks I have gone wrong in any instance. If I know myself it would not excite ill blood in me, while it would assist to guide my conduct, perhaps to justify it, and to keep me to my duty, alert.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to James Madison, December 20, 1787
“… wherever the people are well-informed, they can be trusted with their own government; that, whenever things get so far wrong as to attract their notice, they may be relied on to set them to rights.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Richard Price, January 8, 1789
“… the man who loves his country on its own account, and not merely for its trappings of interest or power, can never refuse to come forward when he finds that she is engaged in dangers which he has the means of warding off.
Make then an effort, my friend, to renounce your domestic comforts for a few months, and reflect that to be a good husband and good father at this moment, you must be also a good citizen.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Elbridge Gerry, June 21, 1797
“I do then with sincere zeal wish an inviolable preservation of our present federal constitution, according to the true sense in which it was adopted by the states…
The first object of my heart is my own country. In that is embarked my family, my fortune, & my own existence. I have not one farthing of interest, nor one fiber of attachment out of it, nor a single motive of preference of any one nation to another but in proportion as they are more or less friendly to us.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Elbridge Gerry, January 26, 1799
“… I believe [we] shall obtain a majority in the legislature of the US attached to the preservation of the Federal constitution according to its obvious principles & those on which it was known to be received, [and] attached equally to the preservation to the states of those rights unquestionably remaining with them, friends to the freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury & to economical government, opposed to standing armies, paper [money] systems, war, & all connection other than of commerce with any foreign nation…
Our country is too large to have all its affairs directed by a single government. Public servants at such a distance, & from under the eye of their constituents, will, from the circumstance of distance, be unable to administer & overlook all the details necessary for the good government of the citizen; and the same circumstance by rendering detection impossible to their constituents, will invite the public agents to corruption, plunder & waste: and I do verily believe that if the principle were to prevail of a common law being in force in the US. (which principle possesses the general government at once of all the powers of the state governments, and reduces us to a single consolidated government) it would become the most corrupt government on the face of the earth.
You have seen the practices by which the public servants have been able to cover their conduct, or, where that could not be done, the delusions by which they have varnished it for the eye of their constituents. what an augmentation of the field for jobbing, speculating, plundering, office-building & office hunting, would be produced by an assumption of all the state powers into the hands of the general government. The true theory of our constitution is surely the wisest & best, that the states are independent as to everything within themselves, & united as to everything respecting foreign nations. Let the general government be once reduced to foreign concerns only, and let our affairs be disentangled from those of all other nations, except as to commerce which the merchants will manage the better, the more they are left free to manage for themselves, and our general government may be reduced to a very simple organization, & a very inexpensive one: a few plain duties to be performed by a few servants.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Gideon Granger, August 13, 1800
“… every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle… I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or, have we found angels in the forms of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.
Let us, then, with courage and confidence pursue our own Federal and Republican principles, our attachment to union and representative government… entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry… enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practiced in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man; acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which by all its dispensations proves that it delights in the happiness of man here and his greater happiness hereafter -- with all these blessings, what more is necessary to make us a happy and a prosperous people? Still one thing more, fellow-citizens -- a wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government, and this is necessary to close the circle of our felicities [blessings].” Thomas Jefferson, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801
“These [founding] principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages [wise men] and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment. They should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust; and should we wander from [the Founding Principles]… let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety.” Thomas Jefferson, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1801
“Bad men will sometimes get in [government], and with such an immense patronage, may make great progress in corrupting the public mind and principles. This is a subject with which wisdom and patriotism should be occupied.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Moses Robinson, March 23, 1801
“Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people [the U.S. Constitution] which declared that their [U.S.] legislature should ‘make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof,’ thus building a wall of separation between Church & State. Adhering to this expression of the supreme will of the nation in behalf of the rights of conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he has no natural right in opposition to his social duties.
I reciprocate your kind prayers for the protection & blessing of the common father and creator of man, and tender you for yourselves & your religious association, assurances of my high respect & esteem.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to the Danbury Baptists, January 1, 1802
“… [My] prayers to all my friends [are] to cherish mutual good will, to promote harmony & conciliation, and, above all things, to let the love of our country soar above all minor passions…” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to John Hollins, May 5, 1811
“… the people being the only safe depository of power, should exercise in person every function which their qualifications enable them to exercise consistently with the order and security of society.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Walter Jones, January 2, 1814
“… it would become the duty of the Wardens [officials] elected by the county, to take an active part in pressing the introduction of schools, and to look out for tutors… But if it is believed that these elementary schools will be better managed by the Governor & council, the Commissioners of the literary fund, or any other general authority of the government, than by the parents within each ward [district], it is a belief against all experience. Try the principle one step further… so as to commit to the Governor & Council the management of all our farms, our mills, & merchants’ stores.
No, my friend, the way to have good and safe government, is not to trust it all to one, but to divide it among the many, distributing to everyone exactly the functions he is competent to. Let the national government be entrusted with the defense of the nation, and its foreign and federal relations; the State governments with the civil rights, laws, police, and administration of what concerns the State generally; the counties with the local concerns of the counties, and each ward direct the interests within itself. It is by dividing and subdividing these republics from the great national one down through all its subordinations, until it ends in the administration of every man's farm by himself; by placing under everyone what his own eye may superintend, that all will be done for the best. What has destroyed liberty and the rights of man in every government which has ever existed under the sun? The generalizing and concentrating all cares and power into one body…” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Joseph Cabell, February 2, 1816
“Where every man is a sharer in the direction of his ward [city district]-republic, or of some of the higher ones, and feels that he is a participator in the government of affairs, not merely at an election one day in the year, but every day; when there shall not be a man in the State who will not be a member of some one of its councils, great or small, he will let the heart be torn out of his body sooner than his power be wrested from him by a Caesar or a Bonaparte. How powerfully did we feel the energy of this organization in the case of embargo? I felt the foundations of the government shaken under my feet by the New England townships. There was not an individual in their States whose body was not thrown with all its momentum into action…” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Joseph Cabell, February 2, 1816
“No man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights of another; and… every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the necessities of the society…” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Francis W. Gilmer, June 7, 1816.
Note: Francis W. Gilmer was the Uncle of Thomas W. Gilmer. Gilmer, TX was named after Thomas W. Gilmer, Secretary of the Navy in 1844, who was killed by an exploding bow gun aboard the USS Princeton.
“Only lay down true principles, and adhere to them inflexibly. Do not be frightened into their surrender by the alarms of the timid, or the croakings of wealth against the ascendancy [power] of the people… The true foundation of republican government is the equal right of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their management.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Samuel Kercheval, July 12, 1816
“But our general objects are the same, to preserve the republican form and principles of our constitution and cleave to the salutary distribution of powers which that has established. These are the two sheet anchors of our Union. If driven from either, we shall be in danger of foundering. To my prayers for its safety and perpetuity, I add those for the continuation of your health, happiness, and usefulness to your country.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to William Johnson, June 12, 1823
“The constitutions of most of our States assert, that all power is inherent in the people; that they may exercise it by themselves, in all cases to which they think themselves competent… Or they may act by representatives, freely and equally chosen; that it is their right and duty to be at all times armed; that they are entitled to freedom of person, freedom of religion, freedom of property, and freedom of the press.” Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Major John Cartwright, June 5, 1824
“The states in N. America… entered into a compact (which is called the Constitution of the U.S. of America) by which they agreed to unite in a single government as to their relations with each other, and with foreign nations, and as to certain other articles particularly specified. They retained at the same time, each to itself, the other rights of independent government comprehending mainly their domestic interests…
This [Virginia] assembly does disavow, and declare to be most false and unfounded, the doctrine that the compact [U.S. Constitution], in authorizing its federal branch to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense [and] general welfare of the U.S., has given them thereby a power to do whatever they may think, or pretend, would promote the general welfare, which construction would make that, of itself, a government, without limitation of powers; but that the plain sense and obvious meaning was that they might levy the taxes necessary to provide for the general welfare by the various acts of power therein specified and delegated to them, and by no others…
While the [Virginia] General assembly thus declares the rights retained by the states, rights which they have never yielded and which this state will never voluntarily yield, they do not mean to raise the banner of disaffection, or of separation from their sister-states… They know and value too highly the blessings of their union… to make every difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture. They would indeed consider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities which could befall them; but not the greatest. There is yet one greater: submission to a government of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope of avoiding this shall become absolutely desperate, that further forbearance could not be indulged…
We owe [it]… to ourselves, to our federal brethren, and to the world at large, to pursue with temper and perseverance the great experiment which shall prove that man is capable of living in society, governing itself by laws self-imposed, and securing to its members the enjoyment of life, liberty, property and peace; and further to show that even when the government of its choice shall show a tendency to degeneracy, we are not at once to despair… the will & the watchfulness of its sounder parts will reform its aberrations, recall it to original and legitimate principles, and restrain it within the rightful limits of self-government. And these are the objects of this Declaration and Protest.” Thomas Jefferson, Solemn Declaration and Protest of the Commonwealth of Virginia, December 24, 1825
“Because, it is proper to take alarm at the first experiment on our liberties. We hold this prudent jealousy to be the first duty of citizens, and one of [the] noblest characteristics of the late Revolution. The freemen of America did not wait ‘till usurped power had strengthened itself by exercise, and entangled the question in precedents. They saw all the consequences in the principle, and they avoided the consequences by denying the principle.” James Madison, Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments, November 1785
“A people therefore, who are so happy as to possess the inestimable blessing of a free and defined constitution, cannot be too watchful against the introduction, nor too critical in tracing the consequences, of new principles and new constructions, that may remove the landmarks [boundaries or limits] of power.
…
Every just view that can be taken of this subject, admonishes the public, of the necessity of a rigid adherence to the simple, the received and the fundamental doctrine of the constitution, that the power to declare war including the power of judging of the causes of war is fully and exclusively vested in the legislature: that the executive has no right, in any case to decide the question, whether there is or is not cause for declaring war: that the right of convening and informing Congress, whenever such a question seems to call for a decision, is all the right which the constitution has deemed requisite or proper…
In no part of the constitution is more wisdom to be found, than in the clause which confides the question of war or peace to the legislature, and not to the executive department.
… the executive is the department of power most distinguished by its propensity to war: hence it is the practice of all states [nations], in proportion as they are free, to disarm this propensity of its influence.” James Madison (Writing as Helvidius), Gazette of the United States, September 14, 1793
“Equal laws protecting equal rights are found as they ought to be presumed, the best guarantee of loyalty & love of country; as well as best calculated to cherish that mutual respect & good will among Citizens of every religious denomination, which are necessary to social harmony and most favorable to the advancement of truth.” James Madison, Letter to Jacob De La Motta, August 1820
“THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands by it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness only that gives everything its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed, if so celestial an article as FREEDOM should not be highly rated.” Thomas Paine, The [American] Crisis, No. 1, December 23, 1776
“There is no subject more interesting to every man than the subject of government. His security, be he rich or poor, and in a great measure his prosperity, are connected therewith; it is therefore his interest as well as his duty to make himself acquainted with its principles, and what the practice ought to be.” Thomas Paine, Dissertation on First Principles of Government, July 1795
“The right of voting for representatives, is the primary right by which other rights are protected… When we speak of right, we ought always to unite with it the idea of duties; right becomes duties by reciprocity. The right which I enjoy becomes my duty to guarantee it to another, and he to me; and those who violate the duty justly incur a forfeiture of the right.
In a political view of the case, the strength and permanent security of government is in proportion to the number of people interested in supporting it. The true policy therefore is to interest the whole by an equality of rights, for the danger arises from exclusions. It is possible to exclude men from the right of voting, but it is impossible to exclude them from the right of rebelling against that exclusion; and when all other rights are taken away, the right of rebellion is made perfect.” Thomas Paine, Dissertation on First Principles of Government, July 1795
“It is at all times necessary, and more particularly so during the progress of a revolution, and until right ideas confirm themselves by habit, that we frequently refresh our patriotism by reference to first principles. It is by tracing things to their origin that we learn to understand them: and it is by keeping that line and that origin always in view that we never forget them.
An inquiry into the origin of rights, will demonstrate to us, that rights are not gifts from one man to another, nor from one class of men to another… A declaration of rights is not a creation of them, nor a donation of them. It is a manifest of the principle by which they exist… for every civil right has a natural right for its foundation…” Thomas Paine, Dissertation on First Principles of Government, July 1795
“The principle of an equality of rights, is clear and simple. Every man can understand it, and it is by understanding his rights that he learn his duties: for where the rights of men are equal, every man must finally see the necessity of protecting the rights of others as the most effectual security for his own.” Thomas Paine, Dissertation on First Principles of Government, July 1795
“… it is not only necessary that we establish [liberty], but that we preserve it.
… It is never to be expected in a revolution that every man is to change his opinion at the same moment. There never yet was any truth or any principle so irresistibly obvious, that all men believed it at once. Time and reason must co-operate with each other to the final establishment of any principle; and therefore those who may happen to be first convinced have not a right to persecute others, on whom conviction operates more slowly. The moral principle of revolutions is to instruct, not to destroy.
… it is the nature and intention of a constitution to prevent governing by party, by establishing a common principle that shall limit and control the power and impulse of party, and that says to all parties, THUS FAR SHALT THOU GO AND NO FARTHER. But in the absence of a constitution, men look entirely to party; and instead of principle governing party, party governs principle.
An avidity [eagerness] to punish is always dangerous to liberty. It leads men to stretch, to misinterpret, and to misapply even the best of laws. He that would make his own liberty secure, must guard even his enemy from oppression; for if he violates this duty, he establishes a precedent that will reach to himself.” Thomas Paine, Dissertation on First Principles of Government, July 1795
“The love of liberty is the only principle of Action that will make a man uniform in his conduct, and support him under the heaviest calamities that can befall his country.” Benjamin Rush, Letter to John Adams, August 8, 1777
“Patriots… come forward! Your country demands your services.” Benjamin Rush, On Good Government, 1787
“At a time when our lordly Masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of American freedom, it seems highly necessary that something should be done to avert the stroke and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our Ancestors; but the manner of doing it to answer the purpose effectually is the point in question.
That no man should scruple or hesitate a moment to use arms in defense of so valuable a blessing [as liberty], on which all the good and evil of life depends, is clearly my opinion; yet arms, I would beg leave to add, should be the last resource; the dernier [French, for last] resort” George Washington, Letter to George Mason, April 5, 1769
“It is not sufficient for a Man to be a passive friend & well wisher to the Cause. This, and every other Cause, of such a Nature, must inevitably perish under such an opposition. Every person should be active in some department or other, without paying too much attention to private Interest. It is a great stake we are playing for, and sure we are of winning if the Cards are well managed—Inactivity in some—disaffection in others—and timidity in many, may hurt the Cause; nothing else can, for Unanimity will carry us through triumphantly in spite of every exertion of Great Britain, if linked together in one indissoluble Band—this they now know, & are practicing every stratagem which Human Invention can devise, to divide us, & unite their own People…” George Washington, Letter to John Augustine Washington, March 31, 1776
“The Commander in Chief directs that divine Service be performed every Sunday at 11 o’Clock in those Brigades to which there are Chaplains; those which have none to attend the places of worship nearest to them. It is expected that Officers of all Ranks will by their attendance set an Example to their men.
While we are zealously performing the duties of good Citizens and soldiers we certainly ought not to be inattentive to the higher duties of Religion. To the distinguished Character of Patriot, it should be our highest Glory to add the more distinguished Character of Christian. The signal Instances of providential Goodness which we have experienced and which have now almost crowned our labors with complete Success, demand from us in a peculiar manner the warmest returns of Gratitude and Piety to the Supreme Author of all Good.” George Washington, General Orders, May 2, 1778
“You ask how I am to be rewarded for all this? There is one reward that nothing can deprive me of, and that is the consciousness of having done My Duty with the strictest rectitude and most scrupulous exactness- and the certain knowledge, that if we should- ultimately- fail in the present contest, it is not owing to the want of exertion in me, or the application of every means that Congress and the United States, or the States individually, have put into my hands.” George Washington, Letter to Lund Washington, May 19, 1780
“… being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully suffered & fought… it now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed—and to intercede in their behalf… their Claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious Services… a Country rescued by their Arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.
… I hope I need not on this momentous occasion make any new protestations of personal disinterestedness, having ever renounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the approbation of my Country will be a sufficient recompense for my services.” George Washington, Letter to Elias Boudinot, March 18, 1783
“The ability of the Country to discharge the debts which have been incurred in its defense, is not to be doubted, an inclination I flatter myself will not be wanting: the path of our duty is plain before us—honesty will be found on every experiment to be the best and only true policy—let us then as a Nation be just—let us fulfill the public Contracts which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make for the purpose of carrying on the War, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements…” George Washington, Circular Letter to the States, June 8, 1783
“I flatter myself my countrymen are so fully persuaded of my desire to remain in private life; that I am not without hopes and expectations of being left quietly to enjoy the repose, in which I am at present. Or, in all events, should it be their wish (as you suppose it will be) for me to come again on the Stage of public affairs—I certainly will decline it, if the refusal can be made consistently—with what I conceive to be the dictates of property and duty. For the great Searcher of human hearts knows there is no wish in mine, beyond that of living and dying an honest man, on my own farm.” George Washington, Letter to William Gordon, December 23, 1788
“I know the delicate nature of the duties incident to the part which I am called to perform; and I feel my incompetence, without the singular assistance of Providence to discharge them in a satisfactory manner. But having undertaken the task, from a sense of duty, no fear of encountering difficulties and no dread of losing popularity, shall ever deter me from pursuing what I conceive to be the true interests of my Country.” George Washington, Letter to the Citizens of Baltimore, April 17, 1789
“… I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love…” George Washington, First Inaugural Address, April 30, 1789
“By the article establishing the Executive Department, it is made the duty of the President ‘to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.’ … I behold the surest pledges, that as on one side, no local prejudices, or attachments; no separate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests: so, on another, that the foundations of our National policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of a free Government, be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its Citizens, and command the respect of the world.
I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.” George Washington, First Inaugural Address, April 30, 1789
“After we had, by the smiles of Heaven on our exertions, obtained the object for which we contended [Independence], I retired at the conclusion of the war, with an idea that my country could have no farther occasion for my services, and with the intention of never entering again into public life: But when the exigence [urgent need] of my country seemed to require me once more to engage in public affairs, an honest conviction of duty superseded my former resolution, and became my apology for deviating from the happy plan which I had adopted.
If I could have entertained the slightest apprehension that the Constitution framed in the Convention, where I had the honor to preside, might possibly endanger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical Society, certainly I would never have placed my signature to it; and if I could now conceive that the general Government might ever be so administered as to render the liberty of conscience insecure, I beg you will be persuaded that no one would be more zealous than myself to establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny, and every species of religious persecution—For you, doubtless, remember that I have often expressed my sentiment, that every man, conducting himself as a good citizen, and being accountable to God alone for his religious opinions, ought to be protected in worshiping the Deity according to the dictates of his own conscience.” George Washington, Letter to the United Baptist Churches of Virginia, May 1789
“… my compliance with the call of my country, and my dependence on the assistance of Heaven to support me in my arduous undertakings, have, so far as I can learn, met the universal approbation of my countrymen.
While I reiterate the possession of my dependence upon Heaven as the source of all public and private blessings; I will observe that the general prevalence of piety, philanthropy, honesty, industry and economy seems, in the ordinary course of human affairs are particularly necessary for advancing and confirming the happiness of our country. While all men within our territories are protected in worshiping the Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return, that they will be emulous of evincing the sincerity of their profession by the innocence of their lives, and the beneficence of their actions: For no man, who is profligate in his morals, or a bad member of the civil community, can possibly be a true Christian, or a credit to his own religious society.” George Washington, Letter to the General Assy. of the Presbyterian Church, May 30 – June 5, 1789
“The virtue, moderation, and patriotism which marked the steps of the American people in framing, adopting, and thus far carrying into effect our present system of government has excited the admiration of nations; and it only now remains for us to act up to those principles which should characterize a free and enlightened people, that we may gain respect abroad and ensure happiness to ourselves and our posterity.
It should be the highest ambition of every American to extend his views beyond himself, and to bear in mind that his conduct will not only affect himself, his country, and his immediate posterity; but that its influence may be co-extensive with the world, and stamp political happiness or misery on ages yet unborn. To obtain this desirable end—and to establish the government of laws, the union of these States is absolutely necessary; therefore in every proceeding, this great, this important object should ever be kept in view; and so long as our measures tend to this; and are marked with the wisdom of a well informed and enlightened people, we may reasonably hope, under the smiles of Heaven, to convince the world that the happiness of nations can be accomplished by pacific revolutions in their political systems, without the destructive intervention of the sword.” George Washington, Letter to the Pennsylvania Legislature, September 12, 1789
“Still further to realize their [the citizens] expectations and to secure the blessings which a Gracious Providence has placed within our reach, will in the course of the present important Session, call for the cool and deliberate exertion of your patriotism, firmness and wisdom.” George Washington, First State of the Union Address, January 8, 1790
“To be prepared for War is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. A free people ought not only to be armed but disciplined…” George Washington, First State of the Union Address, January 8, 1790
“… a good moral character is the first essential in a man, and that the habits contracted at your age are generally indelible, and your conduct here may stamp your character through life. It is therefore highly important that you should endeavor not only to be learned but virtuous. Much more might be said to show the necessity of application and regularity, but when you must know that without them you can never be qualified to render service to your country, assistance to your friends, or consolidation to your retired moments, nothing further need be said to prove their utility.” George Washington, Letter to George Steptoe Washington, December 5, 1790
“To cherish those principles which effected the revolution, and laid the foundation of our free and happy Government, does honor to your patriotism…” George Washington, Letter to the Artillery Company of the town of Newport, Rhode Island, February, 1794
“… the Executive branch of this government never has, nor will suffer, while I preside, any improper conduct of its officers to escape with impunity; or will give its sanctions to any disorderly proceedings of its citizens.
By a firm adherence to these principles, and to the neutral policy which has been adopted, I have brought on myself a torrent of abuse in the factious papers in this country, and from the enmity of the discontented of all descriptions therein: But having no sinister objects in view, I shall not be diverted from my course by these, nor any attempts which are, or shall be made to withdraw the confidence of my constituents from me. I have nothing to ask, and discharging my duty, I have nothing to fear from invective.” George Washington, Letter to Gouverneur Morris, December 22, 1795
“The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation [name] derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.” George Washington, Farewell Address, September 19, 1796
“The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-rounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.” George Washington, Farewell Address, September 19, 1796
“My best wishes, however, for the prosperity of our country will always have the first place in my affections.” George Washington, Letter to William Heath, May 20, 1797
“… the great mass of the citizens of this state [Virginia] are well affected [inclined]… to the general government, and the Union… but how is this to be reconciled with their suffrages [voting] at the Elections of Representatives… who are men opposed to the first, and… would destroy the latter? Some among us have endeavored to account for this inconsistency, and though convinced themselves of its truth, they are unable to convince others…
One of the reasons assigned is, that the most respectable and best qualified characters among us will not come forward. Easy and happy in their circumstances at home, and believing themselves secure in their liberties and property, they will not forsake them, or their occupations, and engage in the turmoil of public business, or expose themselves to the calumnies of their opponents, whose weapons are detraction.
But at such a crisis as this, when everything dear & valuable to us is assailed… [with] attempts to infringe & trample upon the Constitution with a view to introduce Monarchy… When measures are systematically, and pertinaciously [obstinately] pursued, which must eventually dissolve the Union or produce coercion. I say, when these things have become so obvious, ought characters who are best able to rescue their Country from the pending evil to remain at home? Rather, ought they not to come forward, and by their talents and influence, stand in the breach which such conduct has made on the Peace and happiness of this Country, and oppose the widening of it?
Vain will it be to look for Peace and happiness, or for the security of liberty or property, if Civil discord should ensue; and what else can result from the policy of those among us, who, by all the means in their power, are driving matters to extremity, if they cannot be counteracted effectually? The views of Men can only be known, or guessed at, by their words or actions. Can those of the Leaders of Opposition be mistaken then, if judged by this Rule? That they are followed by numbers who are unacquainted with their designs, and suspect as little, the tendency of their principles…” George Washington, Letter to Patrick Henry, January 15, 1799
Note: Patrick Henry responded in a letter to George Washington on February 12, 1799. Patrick Henry died just four months later on June 6, 1799.
“In a free government every man binds himself to obey the public voice, or the opinions of a majority; and the whole society engages to protect each individual. In such a government a man is free and safe.” Noah Webster, An Examination into the leading principles of the Federal Constitution, October 10, 1787
“When you become entitled to exercise the right of voting for public officers, let it be impressed on your mind that God commands you to choose for rulers, just men who will rule in the fear of God. The preservation of a republican government depends on the faithful discharge of this duty; if the citizens neglect their duty, and place unprincipled men in office, the government will soon be corrupted; laws will be made, not for the public good… [but] for selfish or local purposes; corrupt or incompetent men will be appointed to execute the laws; the public revenues will be squandered on unworthy men; and the rights of the citizens will be violated or disregarded. If a republican government fails to secure public prosperity and happiness, it must be because the citizens neglect the divine commands, and elect bad men to make and administer the laws. Intriguing men can never be safely trusted.” Noah Webster, History of the United States (Advice to the Young), 1832
“As the means of temporal happiness, then the Christian religion ought to be received and maintained with firm and cordial support. It is the real source of all genuine republican principles. It teaches the equality of men as to rights and duties; and while it forbids all oppression, it commands due subordination to law and rulers. It requires the young to yield obedience to their parents, and enjoins upon men the duty of selecting their rulers from their fellow citizens of mature age, sound wisdom and real religion- ‘men who fear God and hate covetousness.’
The ecclesiastical establishments of Europe, which serve to support tyrannical governments, are not the Christian religion, but abuses and corruptions of it. The religion of Christ and his apostles, in its primitive simplicity and purity, unencumbered with the trappings of power and the pomp of ceremonies, is the surest basis of a republican government.” Noah Webster, History of the United States, 1832
“During the war of the revolution, the clergy were generally friendly to the cause of the country. The present generation can hardly have a tolerable idea of the influence of the New-England clergy, in sustaining the patriotic exertions of the people, under the appalling discouragements of the war. The writer remembers their good offices with gratitude.
Those men therefore who attempt to impair the influence of that respectable order, in this country, attempt to undermine the best supports of religion; and those who destroy the influence and authority of the Christian religion, sap the foundations of public order, of liberty, and of republican government.” Noah Webster, History of the United States, 1832
"Resolved… if we quietly submit to the execution of the said Stamp Act, all our claims to civil liberty will be lost, and we and our posterity become absolute slaves. Resolved, That we will, on any future occasion, sacrifice our lives and fortunes, in concurrence with the other Sons of Liberty in American provinces, to defend and preserve those invaluable blessings transmitted by our ancestors.” Sons of Liberty, March 31, 1766
“… [Great Britain] persecuted, scourged, and exiled our fugitive parents from their native shores, [and] now pursues us, their guiltless children, with unrelenting severity. It is an indispensable duty which we owe to God, our country, ourselves and posterity, by all lawful ways and means in our power to maintain, defend and preserve those civil and religious rights and liberties, for which many of our fathers fought, bled and died, and to hand them down entire to future generations.” Journals of Congress, Suffolk Resolves, September 17, 1774
“… [Resistance to tyranny] becomes the Christian and social duty of each individual.
… [And we] urge you to every preparation for your necessary defense; for, unless you exhibit to your enemies such a firmness as shall convince them that you are worthy of that freedom your ancestors fled here to enjoy, you have nothing to expect but the vilest and most abject slavery.
… We trust you will continue steadfast, and… with a proper sense of your dependence on God, nobly defend those rights which Heaven gave, and no man ought to take from us.” Second Provincial Congress, Address to the Inhabitants of Massachusetts Bay, The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, February 9, 1775
“That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence; and therefore all men are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that it is the mutual duty of all to practice Christian forbearance, love, and charity toward each other.” Virginia Constitutional Convention, Virginia Declaration of Rights, June 12, 1776
“I have lived a great deal with the people in the United States, and I cannot express how much I admire their experience and their good sense. An American… will inform you what his rights are, and by what means he exercises them… he is well acquainted with the rules of the administration, and that he is familiar with the mechanism of the laws… The American learns to know the laws by participating in the act of legislation; and he takes a lesson in the forms of government from governing. The great work of society is ever going on beneath his eyes, and, as it were, under his hands.” Alexis de Tocqueville (French Legal Scholar), Democracy In America, 1831
Constitution Day and Citizenship Day “Each educational institution that receives Federal funds for a fiscal year shall hold an educational program on the United States Constitution on September 17 of such year for the students served by the educational institution.” PUBLIC LAW 108–447, Sec 111, (b), December 8, 2004